Belgrade, Serbia

I arrived in Belgrade one day earlier than I had originally planned, on Thursday night, as Osijek and Vukovar were highly disappointing. On friday morning I checked into the hostel I originally booked and set out to check out the city.

Belgrade is far and away the largest city in the region. I don't know about population, but just arriving in the city via bus the scale was impressive. Luckily, the main walking district, which is all I really saw, is near both the main bus station and the hostel. My first few days consisted mostly as sightseeing as it was the weekend, and no one in the Balkans likes to "work" during the weekend. I planned to leave Belgrade on Monday, so this left me with little time to actually meet with my contacts, Professor Mladen Lazic and two of his PhD candidates. Belgrade is honestly strictly a party city, that is the basis of the city's tourism, and the sightseeing was average. The locals in Serbia have been much colder towards English speakers. They claim to not speak English, but will respond to you in English if you push them. They, for the most part, have mastered the art of the dirty look. The hostel and nice restaurants have been hospitable, but the little bakeries, fast food shops, and museums have all featured people that were not happy to see English speakers. Not quite like Bosnia and Croatia.

That being said, my contacts were extremely happy to talk to me. Professor Mladen Lazic and his two Ph.D. candidates provided me with excellent material. Here is a general summary of some of the more interesting points:

They said that nationalism is just as bad in Croatia as in Serbia (opposite of what Croats will tell you).

A study from 2005 in Serbia showed a decrease in authoritarianism and traditionalism, but nationalism has remained steady. The same situation remains in Croatia if you look at the general orientation of the people.

The capability of nationalistic mobilization remains, but will not happen given the current economic situation and the conditions of the EU. However, the general feeling of the population has not changed much and under the right circumstances, nationalist mobilization could still occur in Serbia and Croatia.

Professor Lazic stressed the point that only about 10% of the population (15% in a study in 1989 in Croatia) can be considered nationalist. However, it is not this 10-15% that matters, it is those who can be affected by this nationalist 10-15%.

In Serbia there has been a general progression when it comes to Ratko Mladic from great hero, to just leader, to officer gentleman, to great military thinker that helped the Serbs end the war without heavy losses.

I asked Professor Lazic about my economic theory that when the economy is good, it is easier to mobilize the people of Serbia and Croatia. He said that he did not think it was this simple. He believes that the economy can play a role, but it must combine with several other factors in order for nationalist mobilization to occur. Professor Lazic used the mobilization of the 1990s as an example. He said that these factors may repeat themselves in some form, or new factors may arise, but the economy alone is not a mobilizer in and of itself (which is not what I was suggesting).

The first factor he described was the presence of authoritarianism, though not necessarily in its purest form. He said that Croats and Serbs are disposed to follow strong leaders. The people of the Balkans gravitate towards and need strong leaders, otherwise the entire society is disorganized and inefficient. Milosevic and Tudjman, just like Tito before them, provided this strong leadership and charisma that mesmerizes the Balkan people.

The second factor he described was the fall of one type of collectivism. In the late 80s, socialism provided Serbs and Croats with a collective identity. However, with the break up of Yugoslavia and the rejection of socialism, many former Yugoslavs lacked a collective identity. In the very late 80s and early 90s this void was filled by nationalism. However, in recent years, as the countries have distanced themselves further from socialism, collectivism has faded. The Ph.D. students attest that there is now a more individualistic mindset prevalent in Serbs and Croats. This could possibly change if a more assertive leader were to win office in either country.

The third mobilizing factor (and a factor that vilified Serbia to much of the west) was the issue of justice (Milosevic) vs. democracy (Tudjman). These two words were used countless times by the respective leaders and provided rally points for Serbs and Croats. Croatia fought for democracy, while Serbia fought for justice. This was a shrewd and brilliant move by Tudjman, because there is no doubt, in retrospect, that Tudjman was fighting for democracy as much as the Klu Klux Klan fights for civil rights. However, with the Cold War still ripe in the memories of the West, democracy was a buzz word, and any self professed democrat earned the trust and alliance of the West and especially the United States. This not only polarized the "us vs. them" feeling, but also created a "new order" vs. "old order" dynamic in which the West favored the new.

When these factors combined with the fact that the economy was deteriorating, mobilization occurred. Lazic believes that when the economy is on the downswing or good, it is easy to catch the attention of the people to mobilize for nationalist reasons. If the economy had been very bad, or getting better during the early 90s, it would have been much harder to convince people to forget about earning money and focus on the differences between Serbs and Croats. If you connect political radical elite with the people, and another mobilizing factor, and there are no limiting factors (see economy) that is when there is a problem according to Professor Lazic. However, given the current economic climate and issue of corruption (the top to political issues and two limiting factors) Professor Lazic does not see nationalistic issues boiling up.

Following Belgrade, I took a bus to Niš, in the southern part of Serbia, just 100 km from Priština.

Banja Luka, Republika Srpska in Bosnia

I had been told by both Croats and Bosniacs to expect a completely different and unwelcoming situation in Banja Luka. My first day there, I admit I could see what they meant. I didn't know anyone in the city and basically just wandered around aimlessly. There wasn't much to do. I had planed to stay for 4 nights, but at the end of my first day I shortened my stay to two nights.

The morning of the second day I got up and did much of the same. I had a contact to meet at 7 pm that night, so I was free until then. Honestly, it's been two days and I can't even remember what I did for that day. I know I bought a sandwich from a place that didn't speak much English (though they spoke enough to tell me in English-Serbian hybrid that they never have foreigners come in to their shop).

I met Dejan, my contact outside of the main shopping mall in the center of town. Dejan is a 24 year old Economics student at the University. I got in contact with him through about 6 different busy people and finally one professor told me that she had a good student I could meet with. When we met up, neither of us were sure what to expect, but when Dejan saw me his first remark was that he was expecting someone professional. Thus, because I am indeed a student, not a professional, we headed straight for his favorite bar for a few beers. We sat down and talked in general about what it's like to live in the Republika Srpska. Dejan told me that he is heavily in the minority when it comes to his political and social views. He is quite progressive, as he wants to go into economic development ("I want to solve Bosnia's problems then the rest of the worlds" was one of his quotes). He revealed several interesting issues in Republika Srpska that do not exist in Serbia. For one, the Bosnian Serbs feel as though they are neglected and looked down upon by the Serbs in Belgrade. This is understandable as Belgrade is often held accountable for the actions and words of Bosnian Serb leaders. I've pondered this situation at length since our discussion, and I've decided this doesn't make much sense. This assumption, that Belgrade controls or is accountable for Banja Luka and Republika Srpska, is like saying the Vatican, for instance, is in control of and thus should be held accountable for the actions all Catholics. Because Catholics in Croatia committed war crimes and produce nationalist rhetoric the Vatican should be sanctioned, or not allowed to join important international organizations. Of course, the Vatican does not wish to be a part of any organizations, as they one of three autonomous states that is not in the UN (Taiwan because China blocks and Kosovo because Russia blocks). There was one particular issue that Dejan surprised me on. I knew that all Croats refuse to believe that men like Gotovina are criminals, but even my progressive friend Dejan told me that he believe Mladic is a hero, or a protector of the Serb people. He is admired in Banja Luka, even by those as open minded as Dejan. It was interesting to hear. I haven't gone back through everything Dejan and I talked about just yet, so there may be more to come.

After Banja Luka I spent one night in Osijek. That place was dead and not worth it. I wanted to go to Vukovar, which is why I stayed in Osijek, but that wasn't worth it either. I am now in Belgrade.

Mostar, Bosnia i Hercegovina

In Mostar I stayed at a man named Miran’s household. He was 14 when the war reached Mostar. He was very happy to share his experiences and opinions with anyone who would listen.
During the war he and his uncle made a documentary film of their experience. In the film the dire situation of the Bosnian Muslims was portrayed. The Croats had shelled nearly the entire east side of the city of Mostar, which resulted in complete destruction. To this day, much of the city remains destroyed. After the video I tried to get Miran to focus more on the present day and his mindset and that of those around him. He was reluctant to leave the past behind. This has developed into something of a theme for many of the non-academics that I have spoken to. Miran told me that “every 30 to 40 years there is a war here” and that because of this each generation remembers. “My grandfather killed his grandfather, so now he must kill me, for example,” he said. During the documentary he showed a tall bearded man. “This man was my fathers best friend. He is a Croat. He was captured by the Bosnian army and treated as a prisoner of war. I saw him in the prison. I went back to my father and said ‘Dad, Zoran is in prison!’ My father gave me a pack of cigarettes and told me to deliver them to his friend. I asked him why he couldn’t and he said that he could not look Zoran in the face. I went to the window of the prison and called Zoran over. ‘Why do you try to kill me, Zoran,’ I said. 'Do not ask me this Miran. Do not ask me,’ was his response. No one has ever been able to explain this to me. Why the Croats turned on the Bosnians, or why the Serbs try to kill all the Croats and Bosnians.”
Miran took a group from the house on a tour around Mostar. Every step of the way it was evident that the war is not forgotten. One of the young men staying at the hostel asked whether the Croats come to the east side often. “No,” said Miran. “They are afraid of us. They think we are barbarians. And we are not welcome over there [he points across the river] either.” This succinctly sums up the situation in Mostar, and perhaps in Bosnia in general. The people cannot forget that their neighbors once had guns pointed at in their direction, and as Miran said, it happens every 30 to 40 years, so it is in everyone’s mind.
Mostar has been my favorite city to date, and the Bosnian Muslims that I met in Mostar have been some of my favorite people I have ever met. I left this morning at about 10 to go wait for my bus at the bus station. My bus wasn’t leaving until 1:30 so a couple of the guys that worked at the hostel waited with me. Their job is to wait at the bus station and shepherd people to the hostel but the company was excellent. As I was about to board the bus for Banja Luka Mrki, Miran’s younger brother ran to catch me at the steps and gave me a drawing of old bridge that he had done. He usually charges people for them, and I didn’t even know that he drew, but it’s quite brilliant. I’ll post a picture of it later. Like I said, I have never met more accepting, generous and just generally nice people in my life. It’s amazing given what they’ve been through.

Sarajevo, Bosnia i Hercegovina

To get from Zadar to Sarajevo I took a night bus. Border crossing was smooth, probably too smooth. We didn't get off the bus, but rather one man came on, took our ID or passport glanced at it without checking the picture and handed it back. Impressive. I slept most of the ride.
Arriving in the morning in Sarajevo, my first thought was: “wow, I can see why the Croats want a separate country.” I was disappointed with myself for having that thought, but it was honesty. The stark contrast between every Croat city that I visited (Zagreb, Rijeka, Zadar) and Sarajevo was astonishing. Everything from the architecture, to the cleanliness (though some of that may have been the fault of Serbs and Croats), to the physical appearance and dress of the people, there were evident differences. It is difficult to put to words why this could be a problem. In the United States are generally tolerant of minorities, but take a city like Chicago as an example. African Americans live in the south side and interact mostly with other African Americans. If a white person were to find themselves in the south side of Chicago he or she would feel out of place and uncomfortable. It is this type of minority that exists in the Balkans. It is not a majority of maybe 55% as is the case in much of America. Rather it is a 98% majority with 2% minority mixed through several different ethnic groups. Because of this, the minority presence is strangely magnified. I’m not sure that does the situation justice, but I tried.
About my trip to Sarajevo itself. I don't think I did so well in Sarajevo. I saw all the museums, but no one was willing to talk. I would have liked to hear more from Bosnian Muslims than I did, but I suppose I may be back in the future. The two history museums didn't stand out particularly, but the Izetbegovic (Bosnia's first president) museum was facinating. It had tons of photos depicting the war and probably around 50 of Izetbegovic's best quotes. All about how Bosnia must be a place where all ethnicities and religions can live together in peace. In the end, the most striking thing I will remember about Sarajevo is how visibly it clashes with western culture and how much culture shock there was coming from Croatia. In the Balkans in general, and especially in Bosnia, the economy seems to be the major focus for the vast majority of the population. As odd as it sounds, I am beginning to think that the poor economy is something of a blessing in disguise. It sounds terrible and directly contradicts part of Paul Collier's thesis on conflict, but it appears to me as though the poor economy has distracted people from their hatreds. It is certainly a theory I will further pursue.

Zadar, Croatia

So, I kinda took a few days off from “work” while visiting Zadar. I met a couple of Brits, Tom and Ali, and we hit it off pretty instantly. Zadar is a beautiful costal town with a great walking only old town inside of ancient city walls. Not too much to report from Zadar. If I’m honest, it was a lot of drinking and sight seeing and a small side trip to the island of Dugi Otok. It was quite fun.

PICTURES

I forgot to add in the intro that I'm not going to bother posting pictures on the blog. If you'd like to see pictures they're on my facebook page (http://www.facebook.com/media/albums/?id=722801685) or I can email you a few from each post if you can't access facebook. Just ask me: morgus@oxy.edu. that is all.

Rijeka, Croatia

Rijeka reminded me immediately of Long Beach. You’ve heard things about long beach, thought you’re not sure they’re good things, and then you get there and realize they aren’t. It was a pretty classic port town with lots of loading docks and lots of graffiti. There was a nice walking only section of the town that felt removed from the rest, but for the most part it was quite ugly. It wasn’t war torn, the war never actually reached Rijeka, but it was quite unimpressive. I met with Professor Boris Banovac of Rijeka University. He collaborated with Prof. Katunaric on research, but his tone and message was different.

Professor Banovac focused on the regional issues within Croatia. Not every area in Croatia shares the same sentiment. It is an obvious observation, but one that must be made. In the end though, when pressed, he expressed very general Croatian viewpoint. He told me that Bosnia is the geographical problem and that the Serbs are the instigation. This was the theme of my research in Croatia. The Croats like to view themselves as Western and a part of Europe, a thought that has been reinforced by the quick acceptance of Croatia by the European Union, and at first glance they are. But along with this mindset was a dangerous superiority complex. Especially over Serbs and Bosnian Muslims who are “behind” the Croats. Professor Banovac outlined this schema unintentionally: “You are going to Serbia and Bosnia as well? Let me tell you this: Croatia is way ahead of them… Serbia is maybe 10 to 15 years behind Croatia, and then Bosnia is another 10-15 years behind the Serbs. And if you get to Kosovo and Albania, they are another 10-15 years behind Bosnia.” Different is the way I would describe it. Not 10-15 years behind. But to much of Croatia, different means backwards and behind the times.

The next day I went to Trsat, the castle on the hill. It offered a nice view, which at the time I thought was spectacular. In retrospect it ranks pretty low on my experiences list.

Zagreb, Croatia

I arrived in Zagreb, Croatia on the night of June 2nd. On the morning of the 3rd I met with Professor Vjeran Katunaric in a café to discuss his expertise, opinions and experiences regarding ethnic relations and conflict in the Balkans. We mostly discussed the disposition of Croatians versus that of Serbians. Professor Katunaric argued that Croatia has become much more moderate, compared to Serbia, over the past 15 years. His theory on why this has happened is thus:

You must understand, not all of Croatia has ever been nationalistic… There [is] about ten percent of the population who are liberal, tolerant, the NGO types, on the other end, there is about ten percent of the population who are pathological, authoritarian and radically nationalistic. In the middle you have an eighty percent who conform. Eighty percent of the population will conform to the political elite. Tudjman was maybe one of these ten percent [pathological, nationalist].

Professor Katunaric further said that with each passing generation of Croats, the younger generations wonder what makes them and the Serbs so different. This would be encouraging, but it is a statement that no one else I have talked to has echoed.
On the issue of Europeanization, Professor Katunaric believes that it is “the best one of the realistic options for Croatia.” However, he believes that Europeanization in Serbia may not be what is best for the country as “radicals in Serbia may turn east to Russia.” However, Professor Katunaric does not believe that Serbia would devolve; rather he believes that the progress that they have made would stall, especially if the radical political parties, such as the Serbian Progressive Party and the Serbian Radical Party, were to take power, which is a very realistic scenario.
Professor Katunaric expressed his belief and concern that much of the Serb media is still radical and propaganda is still a major issue. “Serbians don’t have a sense of what happened,” he said in explanation of the country’s reaction to the Mladic capture and extradition. “News has not yet reached them.” He believes that Serbia is, and always will be more radical. “Serbs are a more extreme people. More creative as well. They have all the star athletes, inventors, etc.” Croats on the other hand “are very much conformists, they do not like to take risks or be in uncertain situations. This is very evident when you compare business dealings.” Professor Katunaric believes that there will not be another war for at least 100 years.
Throughout the course of my remaining days in Zagreb I visited the Ethnographic Museum, the Croatian History Museum, and the Croatian State Archives. Each of these experiences mimicked the last. Croatian culture mimics the west. Croatia does not consider itself eastern, not even by European standards, but rather views itself as a part of the West.
During my last evening in Zagreb, I ran into a man on the streets. He was a retired math professor and we began to talk about his views on the ethnic tensions in the region. The man, who has agreed to allow me to use his first name, Franjo, only, said first that Bosnia is the heart of the problem. He says that when Tito named the Muslims of Bosnia as a nation is when the problems started. He believes that the vast majority of Muslims in Bosnia are simply Croats with the Muslim religion. This is a point that has been contentious in all my meetings. He believes that by naming the Muslims as a separate nation it caused all the other ethnic groups (mainly the Croats and Serbs) to despise that nation. He constantly referred to the deep cultural roots that set Croats apart from Serbs, but declined to specify what exactly set them apart. We conversed briefly about the war criminals. He called Mladic and Karadzic criminals. I asked him about Gotovina (a Croatian general indicted and extradited to the Hague). He told me that Gotovina is a hero because he did what he had to do (by allowing himself to be captured) to further the interests of his country. He told me that Gotovina did nothing wrong and they simply took him because they had to look like it was a balanced prosecution. This was a highly hypocritical stance, and one that emerged constantly in the Fmr. Yugoslavia. The men who orchestrated the deaths of my people are criminals, but the men who “defended” (orchestrated the deaths of their people) are national heroes and do not deserve to be punished. I am writing this after visiting Bosnia, and in retrospect, the hypocricy and close-mindedness of many of the Croats that I spoke to (this does not include the academics) is astounding and bordering on disgusting. Propaganda is still a tool used heavily not only by governments, but by nationalists as well.

Introduction

I am starting this a bit late (I am, right now, 20 days into my travel) but I have written records of much of my journey. I will not focus on the geography or the sites, but instead on the people I've talked to and things I've learned. I was urged to do this from the beginning by several people, so now here it is. I'll also stress that this is not going to be my best writing. I'm more just going to try to put thoughts down to words. If I get permission from Occidental College I will eventually publish my final paper.